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: smiting goliath might as well be marshall ganz's job description. it began in mississippi's freedom summer of 1964 when his fury against injustice pulled him out of harvard and into the struggle for civil rights. from there, he signed on with the legendary cesar chavez and the united farm workers and for 16 years, struggled to unionize the men and women in the fields of california who toiled endless hours and mounting days, picking crops for next to nothing. three decades after marshall ganz had dropped out of harvard, he went back to finish his degree and earn a doctorate. a few years later, he was asked to become the architect behind the obama campaign's skillful organizing of students and volunteers. today, marshall ganz is a founder of the leading change network, a global community of organizers, educators and researchers mobilizing for democracy. you'll find more of his experience and philosophy in this book, "why david sometimes wins" marshall ganz, it's good to meet you. >> marshall ganz: it's good to meet you, bill. >> bill moyers: stories have been a powerful part of your life. wh
's not a pretty picture. here's just one example. three men on a summer's day in mississippi. why are they smiling and what are they really up to? yes, that's former president bill clinton on the right and on the left, his best friend forever, terry mcauliffe, former chairman of the democratic national committee, fundraiser supreme for both bill and hillary, and the personification of the corporate wing of the democratic party. smack in the middle, that's haley barbour, former chairman of the republican national committee. he made a fortune lobbying for corporations, especially for the ta backco industry, then went home to serve two terms as governor of mississippi, and couldn't wait to get back to washington, where once again, he's gun-slinging for the big boys. so why did these three d.c. desperadoes ride into a small mississippi town? seems that when barbour was governor, he offered mcauliffe a very attractive state package of price and tax subsidies for a plant there to build electric cars for his greentech automotive company. mcauliffe also tapped his politically connected network for more th
i was even lower than a working bee. mississippi for the first part of the summer knowing that there was lots of talk about the march on washington, not knowing if it would ever come to be but mississippi was the last of the states where there had been no demonstrations. but not mississippi. halfway through the summer, i got a call saying "it's going to happen, eleanor. and buy yard is going to do it." he said, "come on up if you want to work on the staff." byyard us are on the. states who could have organized that march. >> ifill: what do you mean? >> there were a set of skills that we had no reason to have so nurtured. there had never been a mass march on washington that anyone. there had been all kind ofmarchs march. what would it take to organize such a march with no experience, no precedent to draw from. >> ifill: no social media, no flash mobs. with only telephones and the usual old-fashioned 20th century means of communication. on.l, first it took it took someone -- and i think buyard put it all in one. he had been a pass f.i.s.edworln civil disobedience in leavenwo
the mississippi. >> sort of. >> rose: to memphis, or somewhere. >> well, i can't explain it. this is just music that touched me from the very first moment i heard it. i was very, very young, and i believe it was a willy dixon record, but i'm not sure. but i heard this sound, this sort of wonderful sliver of light broke through between a minor third and a major third-- and i later investigated what that actually means. i didn't even know it at the time. and i just-- it made me shiver. it was almost like an electric shock. and i realized this is where i wanted to live. i wanted to be in that space and hear these sounds and these stories knowing, of course, that i'm monumentally unsuited for the task. you know, i'm not from here. this is not my music. >> rose: before we talk about "house," where did you grow up? >> i grew up in ox horde, england, home of the blues-- it's not the home of the blues. ( laughs (. >> rose: maybe oxford, mississippi. >> yes, i grew up in oxford. >> rose: your dad was-- >> he was a doctor. >> rose: your moment? >> she was-- she raised four children. >> rose: of which you
. in wasn't mississippi. it was not too-- it was a different kind of state. this is punitive. it's vindictive. it's vengeful. it's just a way-- there is no evidence of any voter fraud of anybody using somebody else's identification to vote. if there were, you could say it's an over-reaction. this is a created fabrication to basically discourage, if not make impossible, voting by groups, people who belong to groups who don't ordinarily vote republican, who vote democratic. 56% of the people in north carolina voted on election day. early voting rather. there will be no early voting. it's just an attempt to make it difficult to vote. >> i guess i sort of agree. i would say two things. first, one of the great stories in american history and in the south in the last couple of years, couple of decades, is the gradual empowerment and franchisement of african americans. i think one's basic attitude is you don't want to be on the wrong side of that story. so i do think if you're supporting this, you're putting yourself on the wrong side of that story. having said that, do i think it's a h
, in the delta of mississippi. >> and there was a line about marching through the south like sherman which had to be exercised before you delivered, isn't that right? >> it is true that i did have a line in the speech that said in effect if we do not see meaningful progress here today, the day will come, when we will not confine our marching in washington. but we may be forced to march through the south the way sherman did nonviolently. the archbishop of washington -- if i did not delete that part of the speech. and we had some discussion the evening before the march. and later someone came to me and said how is your speech and i said, we have to make some changes you have to delete something. and i remember having a discussion with mr. wilkins and i said roy, this is my speech. and i'm speaking for the young people. speaking people fresh from jails. and he sort of dropped it. and randolph and martin luther king, jr. came to me. and we met right on the side of mr. lincoln. the music was already playing. someone had a portable;÷ñ÷ typewriter. and dr. king said to me, john that doesn't sound
oxford, mississippi, they had the violence down there to keep black students out. george wallace stood in the schoolhouse door. king was a march for jobs and freedom but that didn't produce the civil rights accident. what produced it, john, was the death of john f. kennedy a couple months later when he was assassinated and linden johnson's presidency and building on that movement to pass the civil rights act, and then selma produced the voting rights act. but let me say this john. there was a downside in that decade, too. snick was no longer led by john lewis but h rap brown and stokley carmichael. you had the riots in watts in '65. dr. king was shot, a hundred cities burned, including washington, d.c. i was in nixon's campaign. the whole issue was law and order in america, and at one point nixon and wallace together had almost 70% of the national vote. >> eleanor. >> well, that was quite a trip through history, thank you. but nixon and wallace together culminate in the southern strategy where you take political exploitation of the plight, if you will, of blacks in the south, and when
some time with senator eastland from mississippi and ted kennedy said dick russell. the fact is, you were within your own party caucus how to deal with people with whom you fundamentally disagree and that -in turn was great preparation -for the larger senate and indeed the larger body politics. that's gone. we now have a rigidly conservative and rigidly liberal party. >> what about you look a lot at -political engent and civic action right. how has that changed and how -does that fit into the kind strife that we're talking about here in washington. table, as they would say in the senate my friends here, my distinguished friends and colleagues. that if we want to make sense of what's happening now the moment to look back to when a lot of these things against change is the 60's and 70's, and this was a moment when many people on the right and on the left looked at what they would have described as the washington establishment and said this isn't responsive enough to the people. and they thought there were a number of ways
. you saw selma in the 1965 voting rights act. you saw the mississippi summer project in the 1964 civil rights bill. you saw affirmative action, you saw all of these things grow out of that. you saw an effort to empower marginalize eed people across te country. we used the model we were using in terms of organizing and sex-determination pulling people together so they could take control of their own lives. those models were actually both things that grew out of the movement. washington is one of those epic points that there are a number of other epic points that actually pulled this whole process together. i think it's important to understand that even on the struggles on the march on washington, get the message out. >>ifill: we are still having big national conversations as they say about race, still coming out of the trayvon martin episode. and i wonder as you look back we wonder whether it's leadership that's missing, whether we're just not honest as a people in discussing these issues or whether we've come much further than they give us credit for? >> i think we have come a long way
in mississippi. that's why i think we have to press on. and those of us in the congress have to find a way to fix what the supreme court did. >> rose: john lewis, thank you. >> thank you very much. good to see you. >> rose: the book is called "march." it is a history of the civil rights movement and you will understand more of the trieldz and difficult times and the triumph of the civil rights movement in america as it took place from the streets to legislation in congress to speeches and motivated by the sacrifice of thousands of people. >> i would simply like to say i think this has been one of the great days of america. >> rose: we continue this evening as we take note of the 50th anniversary of the march oning with. on august 28, dr. martin luther king delivered his "i have a dream" speech. it was an american important moment in history, and paved the way for the voting rights act of 1965. half a century later, our first african american president has been elected for a second term but we're still far from realizing equality of dr. king's dreams. clawrns jones is a schollard resident at stanf
some time with senator eastland fromto mississippi and ted kennedy said dick russell. dithe fact is, you learned within your own party caucus how to deal with people with whom you fundamentally disagreed, and that in turn was great preparation for the larger senate and indeed the larger body politics. th that's gone. we now have a rigidly -conservative and rigidly liberal party. >> what about you look a lot at political engagement and civic actionht. how did that change and how does -does that fit into the kind of -that we're talking about here in washington. we're talking about here in washington. here atable, as they wouldble, as they w say in the senate, my friends here my distinguished friends and colleagues. i think they're absolutely righto make s that we want to make sense of -what's happening now the moment to look back to when a lot of these things against change ise is the 60's and 70's and that was a moment when many people on the right and on the left looked at what they would have described as the washington establ
Search Results 0 to 16 of about 17 (some duplicates have been removed)